Malcolm X, The Ballot or the Bullet, April 3, 1964
[1] Mr. Moderator, Brother Lomax, brothers and sisters,
friends and enemies: I just can't believe everyone in here is a friend and
I don't want to leave anybody out. The question tonight, as I understand
it, is "The Negro Revolt, and Where Do We Go From Here?" or What
Next?" In my little humble way of understanding it, it points toward
either the ballot or the bullet.
[2] Before we try and explain what is meant by the ballot
or the bullet, I would like to clarify something concerning myself. I'm
still a Muslim, my religion is still Islam. That's my personal belief. Just
as Adam Clayton Powell is a Christian minister who heads the Abyssinian
Baptist Church in New York, but at the same time takes part in the political
struggles to try and bring about rights to the black people in this country;
and Dr. Martin Luther King is a Christian minister down in Atlanta, Georgia,
who heads another organization fighting for the civil rights of black people
in this country; and Rev. Galamison, I guess you've heard of him, is another
Christian minister in New York who has been deeply involved in the school
boycotts to eliminate segregated education; well, I myself am a minister,
not a Christian minister, but a Muslim minister; and I believe in action
on all fronts by whatever means necessary.
[3] Although I'm still a Muslim, I'm not here tonight to
discuss my religion. I'm not here to try and change your religion. I'm not
here to argue or discuss anything that we differ about, because it's time
for us to submerge our differences and realize that it is best for us to
first see that we have the same problem, a common problem, a problem that
will make you catch hell whether you're a Baptist, or a Methodist, or a
Muslim, or a nationalist. Whether you're educated or illiterate, whether
you live on the boulevard or in the alley, you're going to catch hell just
like I am. We're all in the same boat and we all are going to catch the
same hell from the same man. He just happens to be a white man. All of us
have suffered here, in this country, political oppression at the hands of
the white man, economic exploitation at the hands of the white man, and
social degradation at the hands of the white man.
[4] Now in speaking like this, it doesn't mean that we're
anti-white, but it does mean we're anti-exploitation, we're anti-degradation,
we're anti-oppression. And if the white man doesn't want us to be anti-him,
let him stop oppressing and exploiting and degrading us. Whether we are
Christians or Muslims or nationalists or agnostics or atheists, we must
first learn to forget our differences. If we have differences, let us differ
in the closet; when we come out in front, let us not have anything to argue
about until we get finished arguing with the man. If the late President
Kennedy could get together with Khrushchev and exchange some wheat, we certainly
have more in common with each other than Kennedy and Khrushchev had with
each other.
[5] If we don't do something real soon, I think you'll
have to agree that we're going to be forced either to use the ballot or
the bullet. It's one or the other in 1964. It isn't that time is running
out -- time has run out! 1964 threatens to be the most explosive year America
has ever witnessed. The most explosive year. Why? It's also a political
year. It's the year when all of the white politicians will be back in the
so-called Negro community jiving you and me for some votes. The year when
all of the white political crooks will be right back in your and my community
with their false promises, building up our hopes for a letdown, with their
trickery and their treachery, with their false promises which they don't
intend to keep. As they nourish these dissatisfactions, it can only lead
to one thing, an explosion; and now we have the type of black man on the
scene in America today -- I'm sorry, Brother Lomax -- who just doesn't intend
to turn the other cheek any longer.
[6] Don't let anybody tell you anything about the odds
are against you. If they draft you, they send you to Korea and make you
face 800 million Chinese. If you can be brave over there, you can be brave
right here. These odds aren't as great as those odds. And if you fight here,
you will at least know what you're fighting for.
[7] I'm not a politician, not even a student of politics;
in fact, I'm not a student of much of anything. I'm not a Democrat, I'm
not a Republican, and I don't even consider myself an American. If you and
I were Americans, there'd be no problem. Those Hunkies that just got off
the boat, they're already Americans; Polacks are already Americans; the
Italian refugees are already Americans. Everything that came out of Europe,
every blue-eyed thing, is already an American. And as long as you and I
have been over here, we aren't Americans yet.
[8] Well, I am one who doesn't believe in deluding myself.
I'm not going to sit at your table and watch you eat, with nothing on my
plate, and call myself a diner. Sitting at the table doesn't make you a
diner, unless you eat some of what's on that plate. Being here in America
doesn't make you an American. Being born here in America doesn't make you
an American. Why, if birth made you American, you wouldn't need any legislation,
you wouldn't need any amendments to the Constitution, you wouldn't be faced
with civil-rights filibustering in Washington, D.C., right now. They don't
have to pass civil-rights legislation to make a Polack an American.
[9] No, I'm not an American. I'm one of the 22 million
black people who are the victims of Americanism. One of the 22 million black
people who are the victims of democracy, nothing but disguised hypocrisy.
So, I'm not standing here speaking to you as an American, or a patriot,
or a flag-saluter, or a flag-waver -- no, not I. I'm speaking as a victim
of this American system. And I see America through the eyes of the victim.
I don't see any American dream; I see an American nightmare.
[10] These 22 million victims are waking up. Their eyes
are coming open. They're beginning to see what they used to only look at.
They're becoming politically mature. They are realizing that there are new
political trends from coast to coast. As they see these new political trends,
it's possible for them to see that every time there's an election the races
are so close that they have to have a recount. They had to recount in Massachusetts
to see who was going to be governor, it was so close. It was the same way
in Rhode Island, in Minnesota, and in many other parts of the country. And
the same with Kennedy and Nixon when they ran for president. It was so close
they had to count all over again. Well, what does this mean? It means that
when white people are evenly divided, and black people have a bloc of votes
of their own, it is left up to them to determine who's going to sit in the
White House and who's going to be in the dog house.
[11] It was the black man's vote that put the present administration
in Washington, D.C. Your vote, your dumb vote, your ignorant vote, your
wasted vote put in an ad ministration in Washington, D.C., that has seen
fit to pass every kind of legislation imaginable, saving you until last,
then filibustering on top of that. And your and my leaders have the audacity
to run around clapping their hands and talk about how much progress we're
making. And what a good president we have. If he wasn't good in Texas, he
sure can't be good in Washington, D.C. Because Texas is a lynch state. It
is in the same breath as Mississippi, no different; only they lynch you
in Texas with a Texas accent and lynch you in Mississippi with a Mississippi
accent. And these Negro leaders have the audacity to go and have some coffee
in the White House with a Texan, a Southern cracker -- that's all he is
-- and then come out and tell you and me that he's going to be better for
us because, since he's from the South, he knows how to deal with the Southerners.
What kind of logic is that? Let Eastland be president, he's from the South
too. He should be better able to deal with them than Johnson.
[12] In this present administration they have in the House
of Representatives 257 Democrats to only 177 Republicans. They control two-thirds
of the House vote. Why can't they pass something that will help you and
me? In the Senate, there are 67 senators who are of the Democratic Party.
Only 33 of them are Republicans. Why, the Democrats have got the government
sewed up, and you're the one who sewed it up for them. And what have they
given you for it? Four years in office, and just now getting around to some
civil-rights legislation. Just now, after everything else is gone, out of
the way, they're going to sit down now and play with you all summer long
-- the same old giant con game that they call filibuster. All those are
in cahoots together. Don't you ever think they're not in cahoots together,
for the man that is heading the civil-rights filibuster is a man from Georgia
named Richard Russell. When Johnson became president, the first man he asked
for when he got back to Washington, D.C., was "Dicky" -- that's
how tight they are. That's his boy, that's his pal, that's his buddy. But
they're playing that old con game. One of them makes believe he's for you,
and he's got it fixed where the other one is so tight against you, he never
has to keep his promise.
[13] So it's time in 1964 to wake up. And when you see
them coming up with that kind of conspiracy, let them know your eyes are
open. And let them know you got something else that's wide open too. It's
got to be the ballot or the bullet. The ballot or the bullet. If you're
afraid to use an expression like that, you should get on out of the country,
you should get back in the cotton patch, you should get back in the alley.
They get all the Negro vote, and after they get it, the Negro gets nothing
in return. All they did when they got to Washington was give a few big Negroes
big jobs. Those big Negroes didn't need big jobs, they already had jobs.
That's camouflage, that's trickery, that's treachery, window-dressing. I'm
not trying to knock out the Democrats for the Republicans, we'll get to
them in a minute. But it is true -- you put the Democrats first and the
Democrats put you last.
[14] Look at it the way it is. What alibis do they use,
since they control Congress and the Senate? What alibi do they use when
you and I ask, "Well, when are you going to keep your promise?"
They blame the Dixiecrats. What is a Dixiecrat? A Democrat. A Dixiecrat
is nothing but a Democrat in disguise. The titular head of the Democrats
is also the head of the Dixiecrats, because the Dixiecrats are a part of
the Democratic Party. The Democrats have never kicked the Dixiecrats out
of the party. The Dixiecrats bolted themselves once, but the Democrats didn't
put them out. Imagine, these lowdown Southern segregationists put the Northern
Democrats down. But the Northern Democrats have never put the Dixiecrats
down. No, look at that thing the way it is. They have got a con game going
on, a political con game, and you and I are in the middle. It's time for
you and me to wake up and start looking at it like it is, and trying to
understand it like it is; and then we can deal with it like it is.
[15] The Dixiecrats in Washington, D.C., control the key
committees that run the government. The only reason the Dixiecrats control
these committees is because they have seniority. The only reason they have
seniority is because they come from states where Negroes can't vote. This
is not even a government that's based on democracy. It is not a government
that is made up of representatives of the people. Half of the people in
the South can't even vote. Eastland is not even supposed to be in Washington.
Half of the senators and congressmen who occupy these key positions in Washington,
D.C., are there illegally, are there unconstitutionally.
[16] I was in Washington, D.C., a week ago Thursday, when
they were debating whether or not they should let the bill come onto the
floor. And in the back of the room where the Senate meets, there's a huge
map of the United States, and on that map it shows the location of Negroes
throughout the country. And it shows that the Southern section of the country,
the states that are most heavily concentrated with Negroes, are the ones
that have senators and congressmen standing up filibustering and doing all
other kinds of trickery to keep the Negro from being able to vote. This
is pitiful. But it's not pitiful for us any longer; it's actually pitiful
for the white man, because soon now, as the Negro awakens a little more
and sees the vise that he's in, sees the bag that he's in, sees the real
game that he's in, then the Negro's going to develop a new tactic.
[17] These senators and congressmen actually violate the
constitutional amendments that guarantee the people of that particular state
or county the right to vote. And the Constitution itself has within it the
machinery to expel any representative from a state where the voting rights
of the people are violated. You don't even need new legislation. Any person
in Congress right now, who is there from a state or a district where the
voting rights of the people are violated, that particular person should
be expelled from Congress. And when you expel him, you've removed one of
the obstacles in the path of any real meaningful legislation in this country.
In fact, when you expel them, you don't need new legislation, because they
will be replaced by black representatives from counties and districts where
the black man is in the majority, not in the minority.
[18] If the black man in these Southern states had his
full voting rights, the key Dixiecrats in Washington, D. C., which means
the key Democrats in Washington, D.C., would lose their seats. The Democratic
Party itself would lose its power. It would cease to be powerful as a party.
When you see the amount of power that would be lost by the Democratic Party
if it were to lose the Dixiecrat wing, or branch, or element, you can see
where it's against the interests of the Democrats to give voting rights
to Negroes in states where the Democrats have been in complete power and
authority ever since the Civil War. You just can't belong to that Party
without analyzing it.
[19] I say again, I'm not anti-Democrat, I'm not anti Republican,
I'm not anti-anything. I'm just questioning their sincerity, and some of
the strategy that they've been using on our people by promising them promises
that they don't intend to keep. When you keep the Democrats in power, you're
keeping the Dixiecrats in power. I doubt that my good Brother Lomax will
deny that. A vote for a Democrat is a vote for a Dixiecrat. That's why,
in 1964, it's time now for you and me to become more politically mature
and realize what the ballot is for; what we're sup posed to get when we
cast a ballot; and that if we don't cast a ballot, it's going to end up
in a situation where we're going to have to cast a bullet. It's either a
ballot or a bullet.
[20] In the North, they do it a different way. They have
a system that's known as gerrymandering, whatever that means. It means when
Negroes become too heavily concentrated in a certain area, and begin to
gain too much political power, the white man comes along and changes the
district lines. You may say, "Why do you keep saying white man?"
Because it's the white man who does it. I haven't ever seen any Negro changing
any lines. They don't let him get near the line. It's the white man who
does this. And usually, it's the white man who grins at you the most, and
pats you on the back, and is supposed to be your friend. He may be friendly,
but he's not your friend.
[21] So, what I'm trying to impress upon you, in essence,
is this: You and I in America are faced not with a segregationist conspiracy,
we're faced with a government conspiracy. Everyone who's filibustering is
a senator -- that's the government. Everyone who's finagling in Washington,
D.C., is a congressman -- that's the government. You don't have anybody
putting blocks in your path but people who are a part of the government.
The same government that you go abroad to fight for and die for is the government
that is in a conspiracy to deprive you of your voting rights, deprive you
of your economic opportunities, deprive you of decent housing, deprive you
of decent education. You don't need to go to the employer alone, it is the
government itself, the government of America, that is responsible for the
oppression and exploitation and degradation of black people in this country.
And you should drop it in their lap. This government has failed the Negro.
This so-called democracy has failed the Negro. And all these white liberals
have definitely failed the Negro.
[22] So, where do we go from here? First, we need some
friends. We need some new allies. The entire civil-rights struggle needs
a new interpretation, a broader interpretation. We need to look at this
civil-rights thing from another angle -- from the inside as well as from
the outside. To those of us whose philosophy is black nationalism, the only
way you can get involved in the civil-rights struggle is give it a new interpretation.
That old interpretation excluded us. It kept us out. So, we're giving a
new interpretation to the civil-rights struggle, an interpretation that
will enable us to come into it, take part in it. And these handkerchief-heads
who have been dillydallying and pussy footing and compromising -- we don't
intend to let them pussyfoot and dillydally and compromise any longer.
[23] How can you thank a man for giving you what's already
yours? How then can you thank him for giving you only part of what's already
yours? You haven't even made progress, if what's being given to you, you
should have had already. That's not progress. And I love my Brother Lomax,
the way he pointed out we're right back where we were in 1954. We're not
even as far up as we were in 1954. We're behind where we were in 1954. There's
more segregation now than there was in 1954. There's more racial animosity,
more racial hatred, more racial violence today in 1964, than there was in
1954. Where is the progress?
[24] And now you're facing a situation where the young
Negro's coming up. They don't want to hear that "turn the-other-cheek"
stuff, no. In Jacksonville, those were teenagers, they were throwing Molotov
cocktails. Negroes have never done that before. But it shows you there's
a new deal coming in. There's new thinking coming in. There's new strategy
coming in. It'll be Molotov cocktails this month, hand grenades next month,
and something else next month. It'll be ballots, or it'll be bullets. It'll
be liberty, or it will be death. The only difference about this kind of
death -- it'll be reciprocal. You know what is meant by "reciprocal"?
That's one of Brother Lomax's words, I stole it from him. I don't usually
deal with those big words because I don't usually deal with big people.
I deal with small people. I find you can get a whole lot of small people
and whip hell out of a whole lot of big people. They haven't got anything
to lose, and they've got every thing to gain. And they'll let you know in
a minute: "It takes two to tango; when I go, you go."
[25] The black nationalists, those whose philosophy is
black nationalism, in bringing about this new interpretation of the entire
meaning of civil rights, look upon it as meaning, as Brother Lomax has pointed
out, equality of opportunity. Well, we're justified in seeking civil rights,
if it means equality of opportunity, because all we're doing there is trying
to collect for our investment. Our mothers and fathers invested sweat and
blood. Three hundred and ten years we worked in this country without a dime
in return -- I mean without a dime in return. You let the white man walk
around here talking about how rich this country is, but you never stop to
think how it got rich so quick. It got rich because you made it rich.
[26] You take the people who are in this audience right
now. They're poor, we're all poor as individuals. Our weekly salary individually
amounts to hardly anything. But if you take the salary of everyone in here
collectively it'll fill up a whole lot of baskets. It's a lot of wealth.
If you can collect the wages of just these people right here for a year,
you'll be rich -- richer than rich. When you look at it like that, think
how rich Uncle Sam had to become, not with this handful, but millions of
black people. Your and my mother and father, who didn't work an eight-hour
shift, but worked from "can't see" in the morning until "can't
see" at night, and worked for nothing, making the white man rich, making
Uncle Sam rich.
[27] This is our investment. This is our contribution --
our blood. Not only did we give of our free labor, we gave of our blood.
Every time he had a call to arms, we were the first ones in uniform. We
died on every battlefield the white man had. We have made a greater sacrifice
than anybody who's standing up in America today. We have made a greater
contribution and have collected less. Civil rights, for those of us whose
philosophy is black nationalism, means: "Give it to us now. Don't wait
for next year. Give it to us yesterday, and that's not fast enough."
[28] I might stop right here to point out one thing. When
ever you're going after something that belongs to you, anyone who's depriving
you of the right to have it is a criminal. Understand that. Whenever you
are going after something that is yours, you are within your legal rights
to lay claim to it. And anyone who puts forth any effort to deprive you
of that which is yours, is breaking the law, is a criminal. And this was
pointed out by the Supreme Court decision. It outlawed segregation. Which
means segregation is against the law. Which means a segregationist is breaking
the law. A segregationist is a criminal. You can't label him as anything
other than that. And when you demonstrate against segregation, the law is
on your side. The Supreme Court is on your side.
[29] Now, who is it that opposes you in carrying out the
law? The police department itself. With police dogs and clubs. Whenever
you demonstrate against segregation, whether it is segregated education,
segregated housing, or anything else, the law is on your side, and anyone
who stands in the way is not the law any longer. They are breaking the law,
they are not representatives of the law. Any time you demonstrate against
segregation and a man has the audacity to put a police dog on you, kill
that dog, kill him, I'm telling you, kill that dog. I say it, if they put
me in jail tomorrow, kill that dog. Then you'll put a stop to it. Now, if
these white people in here don't want to see that kind of action, get down
and tell the mayor to tell the police department to pull the dogs in. That's
all you have to do. If you don't do it, someone else will.
[30] If you don't take this kind of stand, your little
children will grow up and look at you and think "shame." If you
don't take an uncompromising stand -- I don't mean go out and get violent;
but at the same time you should never be nonviolent unless you run into
some nonviolence. I'm nonviolent with those who are nonviolent with me.
But when you drop that violence on me, then you've made me go insane, and
I'm not responsible for what I do. And that's the way every Negro should
get. Any time you know you're within the law, within your legal rights,
within your moral rights, in accord with justice, then die for what you
believe in. But don't die alone. Let your dying be reciprocal. This is what
is meant by equality. What's good for the goose is good for the gander.
[31] When we begin to get in this area, we need new fiends,
we need new allies. We need to expand the civil-rights struggle to a higher
level--to the level of human rights. Whenever you are in a civil-rights
struggle, whether you know it or not, you are confining yourself to the
jurisdiction of Uncle Sam. No one from the outside world can speak out in
your behalf as long as your struggle is a civil-rights struggle. Civil rights
comes within the domestic affairs of this country. All of our African brothers
and our Asian brothers and our Latin-American brothers cannot open their
mouths and interfere in the domestic affairs of the United States. And as
long as it's civil rights, this comes under the jurisdiction of Uncle Sam.
[32] But the United Nations has what's known as the charter
of human rights, it has a committee that deals in human rights. You may
wonder why all of the atrocities that have been committed in Africa and
in Hungary and in Asia and in Latin America are brought before the UN, and
the Negro problem is never brought before the UN. This is part of the conspiracy.
This old,~ tricky, blue eyed liberal who is supposed to be your and my friend,
supposed to be in our corner, supposed to be subsidizing our struggle, and
supposed to be acting in the capacity of an adviser, never tells you anything
about human rights. They keep you wrapped up in civil rights. And you spend
so much time barking up the civil-rights tree, you don't even know there's
a human-rights tree on the same floor.
[33] When you expand the civil-rights struggle to the level
of human rights, you can then take the case of the black man in this country
before the nations in the UN. You can take it before the General Assembly.
You can take Uncle Sam before a world court. But the only level you can
do it on is the level of human rights. Civil rights keeps you under his
restrictions, under his jurisdiction. Civil rights keeps you in his pocket.
Civil rights means you're asking Uncle Sam to treat you right. Human rights
are some thing you were born with. Human rights are your God given rights.
Human rights are the rights that are recognized by all nations of this earth.
And any time any one violates your human rights, you can take them to the
world court. Uncle Sam's hands are dripping with blood, dripping with the
blood of the black man in this country. He's the earth's number-one hypocrite.
He has the audacity -- yes, he has -- imagine him posing as the leader of
the free world. The free world! And you over here singing "We Shall
Overcome." Expand the civil-rights struggle to the level of human rights,
take it into the United Nations, where our African brothers can throw their
weight on our side, where our Asian brothers can throw their weight on our
side, where our Latin-American brothers can throw their weight on our side,
and where 800 million Chinamen are sitting there waiting to throw their
weight on our side.
[34] Let the world know how bloody his hands are. Let the
world know the hypocrisy that's practiced over here. Let it be the ballot
or the bullet. Let him know that it must be the ballot or the bullet.
[35] When you take your case to Washington, D.C., you're
taking it to the criminal who's responsible; it's like running from the
wolf to the fox. They're all in cahoots together. They all work political
chicanery and make you look like a chump before the eyes of the world. Here
you are walking around in America, getting ready to be drafted and sent
abroad, like a tin soldier, and when you get over there, people ask you
what are you fighting for, and you have to stick your tongue in your cheek.
No, take Uncle Sam to court, take him before the world.
[36] By ballot I only mean freedom. Don't you know -- I
disagree with Lomax on this issue -- that the ballot is more important than
the dollar? Can I prove it? Yes. Look in the UN. There are poor nations
in the UN; yet those poor nations can get together with their voting power
and keep the rich nations from making a move. They have one nation -- one
vote, everyone has an equal vote. And when those brothers from Asia, and
Africa and the darker parts of this earth get together, their voting power
is sufficient to hold Sam in check. Or Russia in check. Or some other section
of the earth in check. So, the ballot is most important.
[37] Right now, in this country, if you and I, 22 million
African-Americans -- that's what we are -- Africans who are in America.
You're nothing but Africans. Nothing but Africans. In fact, you'd get farther
calling yourself African instead of Negro. Africans don't catch hell. You're
the only one catching hell. They don't have to pass civil-rights bills for
Africans. An African can go anywhere he wants right now. All you've got
to do is tie your head up. That's right, go anywhere you want. Just stop
being a Negro. Change your name to Hoogagagooba. That'll show you how silly
the white man is. You're dealing with a silly man. A friend of mine who's
very dark put a turban on his head and went into a restaurant in Atlanta
before they called themselves desegregated. He went into a white restaurant,
he sat down, they served him, and he said, "What would happen if a
Negro came in here? And there he's sitting, black as night, but because
he had his head wrapped up the waitress looked back at him and says, "Why,
there wouldn't no nigger dare come in here."
[38] So, you're dealing with a man whose bias and prejudice
are making him lose his mind, his intelligence, every day. He's frightened.
He looks around and sees what's taking place on this earth, and he sees
that the pendulum of time is swinging in your direction. The dark people
are waking up. They're losing their fear of the white man. No place where
he's fighting right now is he winning. Everywhere he's fighting, he's fighting
someone your and my complexion. And they're beating him. He can't win any
more. He's won his last battle. He failed to win the Korean War. He couldn't
win it. He had to sign a truce. That's a loss. Any time Uncle Sam, with
all his machinery for warfare, is held to a draw by some rice eaters, he's
lost the battle. He had to sign a truce. America's not supposed to sign
a truce. She's supposed to be bad. But she's not bad any more. She's bad
as long as she can use her hydrogen bomb, but she can't use hers for fear
Russia might use hers. Russia can't use hers, for fear that Sam might use
his. So, both of them are weapon less. They can't use the weapon because
each's weapon nullifies the other's. So the only place where action can
take place is on the ground. And the white man can't win another war fighting
on the ground. Those days are over The black man knows it, the brown man
knows it, the red man knows it, and the yellow man knows it. So they en
gage him in guerrilla warfare. That's not his style. You've got to have
heart to be a guerrilla warrior, and he hasn't got any heart. I'm telling
you now.
[39] I just want to give you a little briefing on guerrilla
warfare because, before you know it, before you know it.... It takes heart
to be a guerrilla warrior because you're on your own. In conventional warfare
you have tanks and a whole lot of other people with you to back you up,
planes over your head and all that kind of stuff. But a guerrilla is on
his own. All you have is a rifle, some sneakers and a bowl of rice, and
that's all you need -- and a lot of heart. The Japanese on some of those
islands in the Pacific, when the American soldiers landed, one Japanese
sometimes could hold the whole army off. He'd just wait until the sun went
down, and when the sun went down they were all equal. He would take his
little blade and slip from bush to bush, and from American to American.
The white soldiers couldn't cope with that. Whenever you see a white soldier
that fought in the Pacific, he has the shakes, he has a nervous condition,
because they scared him to death.
[40] The same thing happened to the French up in French
Indochina. People who just a few years previously were rice farmers got
together and ran the heavily-mechanized French army out of Indochina. You
don't need it -- modern warfare today won't work. This is the day of the
guerrilla. They did the same thing in Algeria. Algerians, who were nothing
but Bedouins, took a knife and sneaked off to the hills, and de Gaulle and
all of his highfalutin' war machinery couldn't defeat those guerrillas.
Nowhere on this earth does the white man win in a guerrilla warfare. It's
not his speed. Just as guerrilla warfare is prevailing in Asia and in parts
of Africa and in parts of Latin America, you've got to be mighty naive,
or you've got to play the black man cheap, if you don't think some day he's
going to wake up and find that it's got to be the ballot or the bullet.
[41] I would like to say, in closing, a few things concerning
the Muslim Mosque, Inc., which we established recently in New York City.
It's true we're Muslims and our religion is Islam, but we don't mix our
religion with our politics and our economics and our social and civil activities
-- not any more. We keep our religion in our mosque. After our religious
services are over, then as Muslims we become involved in political action,
economic action and social and civic action. We become involved with anybody,
any where, any time and in any manner that's designed to eliminate the evils,
the political, economic and social evils that are afflicting the people
of our community.
[42] The political philosophy of black nationalism means
that the black man should control the politics and the politicians in his
own community; no more. The black man in the black community has to be re-educated
into the science of politics so he will know what politics is supposed to
bring him in return. Don't be throwing out any ballots. A ballot is like
a bullet. You don't throw your ballots until you see a target, and if that
target is not within your reach, keep your ballot in your pocket. The political
philosophy of black nationalism is being taught in the Christian church.
It's being taught in the NAACP. It's being taught in CORE meetings. It's
being taught in SNCC Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee meetings.
It's being taught in Muslim meetings. It's being taught where nothing but
atheists and agnostics come together. It's being taught everywhere. Black
people are fed up with the dillydallying, pussyfooting, compromising approach
that we've been using toward getting our freedom. We want freedom now, but
we're not going to get it saying "We Shall Overcome." We've got
to fight until we overcome.
[43] The economic philosophy of black nationalism is pure
and simple. It only means that we should control the economy of our community.
Why should white people be running all the stores in our community? Why
should white people be running the banks of our community? Why should the
economy of our community be in the hands of the white man? Why? If a black
man can't move his store into a white community, you tell me why a white
man should move his store into a black community. The philosophy of black
nationalism involves a re-education program in the black community in regards
to economics. Our people have to be made to see that any time you take your
dollar out of your community and spend it in a community where you don't
live, the community where you live will get poorer and poorer, and the community
where you spend your money will get richer and richer. Then you wonder why
where you live is always a ghetto or a slum area. And where you and I are
concerned, not only do we lose it when we spend it out of the community,
but the white man has got all our stores in the community tied up; so that
though we spend it in the community, at sundown the man who runs the store
takes it over across town somewhere. He's got us in a vise.
[44] So the economic philosophy of black nationalism means
in every church, in every civic organization, in every fraternal order,
it's time now for our people to be come conscious of the importance of controlling
the economy of our community. If we own the stores, if we operate the businesses,
if we try and establish some industry in our own community, then we're developing
to the position where we are creating employment for our own kind. Once
you gain control of the economy of your own community, then you don't have
to picket and boycott and beg some cracker downtown for a job in his business.
[45] The social philosophy of black nationalism only means
that we have to get together and remove the evils, the vices, alcoholism,
drug addiction, and other evils that are destroying the moral fiber of our
community. We our selves have to lift the level of our community, the standard
of our community to a higher level, make our own society beautiful so that
we will be satisfied in our own social circles and won't be running around
here trying to knock our way into a social circle where we're not wanted.
[46] So I say, in spreading a gospel such as black nationalism,
it is not designed to make the black man re-evaluate the white man -- you
know him already -- but to make the black man re-evaluate himself. Don't
change the white man's mind -- you can't change his mind, and that whole
thing about appealing to the moral conscience of America -- America's conscience
is bankrupt. She lost all conscience a long time ago. Uncle Sam has no conscience.
They don't know what morals are. They don't try and eliminate an evil because
it's evil, or because it's illegal, or because it's immoral; they eliminate
it only when it threatens their existence. So you're wasting your time appealing
to the moral conscience of a bankrupt man like Uncle Sam. If he had a conscience,
he'd straighten this thing out with no more pressure being put upon him.
So it is not necessary to change the white man's mind. We have to change
our own mind. You can't change his mind about us. We've got to change our
own minds about each other. We have to see each other with new eyes. We
have to see each other as brothers and sisters. We have to come together
with warmth so we can develop unity and harmony that's necessary to get
this problem solved our selves. How can we do this? How can we avoid jealousy?
How can we avoid the suspicion and the divisions that exist in the community?
I'll tell you how.
[47] I have watched how Billy Graham comes into a city,
spreading what he calls the gospel of Christ, which is only white nationalism.
That's what he is. Billy Graham is a white nationalist; I'm a black nationalist.
But since it's the natural tendency for leaders to be jealous and look upon
a powerful figure like Graham with suspicion and envy, how is it possible
for him to come into a city and get all the cooperation of the church leaders?
Don't think because they're church leaders that they don't have weaknesses
that make them envious and jealous -- no, everybody's got it. It's not an
accident that when they want to choose a cardinal as Pope over there in
Rome, they get in a closet so you can't hear them cussing and fighting and
carrying on.
[48] Billy Graham comes in preaching the gospel of Christ,
he evangelizes the gospel, he stirs everybody up, but he never tries to
start a church. If he came in trying to start a church, all the churches
would be against him. So, he just comes in talking about Christ and tells
everybody who gets Christ to go to any church where Christ is; and in this
way the church cooperates with him. So we're going to take a page from his
book. Our gospel is black nationalism. We're not trying to threaten the
existence of any organization, but we're spreading the gospel of black nationalism.
Anywhere there's a church that is also preaching and practicing the gospel
of black nationalism, join that church. If the NAACP is preaching and practicing
the gospel of black nationalism, join the NAACP. If CORE is spreading and
practicing the gospel of black nationalism, join CORE. Join any organization
that has a gospel that's for the uplift of the black man. And when you get
into it and see them pussyfooting or compromising, pull out of it because
that's not black nationalism. We'll find another one.
[49] And in this manner, the organizations will increase
in number and in quantity and in quality, and by August, it is then our
intention to have a black nationalist convention which will consist of delegates
from all over the country who are interested in the political, economic
and social philosophy of black nationalism. After these delegates convene,
we will hold a seminar, we will hold discussions, we will listen to everyone.
We want to hear new ideas and new solutions and new answers. And at that
time, if we see fit then to form a black nationalist party, we'll form a
black nationalist party. If it's necessary to form a black nationalist army,
we'll form a black nationalist army. It'll be the ballot or the bullet.
It'll be liberty or it'll be death.
[50] It's time for you and me to stop sitting in this country,
letting some cracker senators, Northern crackers and Southern crackers,
sit there in Washington, D.C., and come to a conclusion in their mind that
you and I are supposed to have civil rights. There's no white man going
to tell me anything about my rights. Brothers and sisters, always remember,
if it doesn't take senators and congressmen and presidential proclamations
to give freedom to the white man, it is not necessary for legislation or
proclamation or Supreme Court decisions to give freedom to the black man.
You let that white man know, if this is a country of freedom, let it be
a country of freedom; and if it's not a country of freedom, change it.
[51] We will work with anybody, anywhere, at any time,
who is genuinely interested in tackling the problem head-on, nonviolently
as long as the enemy is nonviolent, but violent when the enemy gets violent.
We'll work with you on the voter-registration drive, we'll work with you
on rent strikes, we'll work with you on school boycotts -- I don't believe
in any kind of integration; I'm not even worried about it because I know
you're not going to get it anyway; you're not going to get it because you're
afraid to die; you've got to be ready to die if you try and force yourself
on the white man, because he'll get just as violent as those crackers in
Mississippi, right here in Cleveland. But we will still work with you on
the school boycotts be cause we're against a segregated school system. A
segregated school system produces children who, when they graduate, graduate
with crippled minds. But this does not mean that a school is segregated
because it's all black. A segregated school means a school that is controlled
by people who have no real interest in it whatsoever.
[52] Let me explain what I mean. A segregated district
or community is a community in which people live, but outsiders control
the politics and the economy of that community. They never refer to the
white section as a segregated community. It's the all-Negro section that's
a segregated community. Why? The white man controls his own school, his
own bank, his own economy, his own politics, his own everything, his own
community -- but he also controls yours. When you're under someone else's
control, you're segregated. They'll always give you the lowest or the worst
that there is to offer, but it doesn't mean you're segregated just because
you have your own. You've got to control your own. Just like the white man
has control of his, you need to control yours.
[53] You know the best way to get rid of segregation? The
white man is more afraid of separation than he is of integration. Segregation
means that he puts you away from him, but not far enough for you to be out
of his jurisdiction; separation means you're gone. And the white man will
integrate faster than he'll let you separate. So we will work with you against
t}~e segregated school system because it's criminal, because it is absolutely
destructive, in every way imaginable, to the minds of the children who have
to be exposed to that type of crippling education. Last but not least, I
must say this concerning the great controversy over rifles and shotguns.
The only thing that I've ever said is that in areas where the government
has proven itself either unwilling or unable to defend the lives and the
property of Negroes, it's time for Negroes to defend themselves. Article
number two of the constitutional amendments provides you and me the right
to own a rifle or a shotgun. It is constitutionally legal to own a shotgun
or a rifle. This doesn't mean you're going to get a rifle and form battalions
and go out looking for white folks, although you'd be within your rights
-- I mean, you'd be justified; but that would be illegal and we don't do
anything illegal. If the white man doesn't want the black man buying rifles
and shotguns, then let the government do its job. That's all. And don't
let the white man come to you and ask you what you think about what Malcolm
says -- why, you old Uncle Tom. He would never ask you if he thought you
were going to say, "Amen!" No, he is making a Tom out of you."
So, this doesn't mean forming rifle clubs and going out looking for people,
but it is time, in 1964, if you are a man, to let that man know. If he's
not going to do his job in running the government and providing you and
me with the protection that our taxes are supposed to be for, since he spends
all those billions for his defense budget, he certainly can't begrudge you
and me spending $12 or $15 for a single-shot, or double-action. I hope you
under stand. Don't go out shooting people, but any time, brothers and sisters,
and especially the men in this audience -- some of you wearing Congressional
Medals of Honor, with shoulders this wide, chests this big, muscles that
big -- any time you and I sit around and read where they bomb a church and
murder in cold blood, not some grownups, but four little girls while they
were praying to the same god the white man taught them to pray to, and you
and I see the government go down and can't find who did it. Why, this man
-- he can find Eichmann hiding down in Argentina somewhere. Let two or three
American soldiers, who are minding somebody else's business way over in
South Vietnam, get killed, and he'll send battleships, sticking his nose
in their business. He wanted to send troops down to Cuba and make them have
what he calls free elections -- this old cracker who doesn't have free elections
in his own country. No, if you never see me another time in your life, if
I die in the morning, I'll die saying one thing: the ballot or the bullet,
the ballot or the bullet.
[54] If a Negro in 1964 has to sit around and wait for
some cracker senator to filibuster when it comes to the rights of black
people, why, you and I should hang our heads in shame. You talk about a
march on Washington in 1963, you haven't seen anything. There's some more
going down in '64. And this time they're not going like they went last year.
They're not going singing ''We Shall Overcome." They're not going with
white friends. They're not going with placards already painted for them.
They're not going with round-trip tickets. They're going with one way tickets.
[55] And if they don't want that non-nonviolent army going
down there, tell them to bring the filibuster to a halt. The black nationalists
aren't going to wait. Lyndon B. Johnson is the head of the Democratic Party.
If he's for civil rights, let him go into the Senate next week and declare
himself. Let him go in there right now and declare himself. Let him go in
there and denounce the Southern branch of his party. Let him go in there
right now and take a moral stand -- right now, not later. Tell him, don't
wait until election time. If he waits too long, brothers and sisters, he
will be responsible for letting a condition develop in this country which
will create a climate that will bring seeds up out of the ground with vegetation
on the end of them looking like something these people never dreamed of.
In 1964, it's the ballot or the bullet. Thank you.